According to the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), the Mediterranean Sea is currently the deadliest border in the world. According to IOM estimates, more than 2,400 people died or are considered missing in 2022 while fleeing across the Mediterranean. Almost ⅔ of them have died or are considered missing on the central Mediterranean route (via Libya and Tunisia to Italy and Malta). In the absence of safe flight routes, many people try to reach Europe via the Mediterranean despite this immense danger. A European solution to this state-created humanitarian catastrophe is not in sight, because there are no rescue operations by the European institutions and hardly any legal routes to seek refuge in Europe. On the contrary, there are more and more attempts by the states and the European Union to block search and rescue operations by civil and non-profit organisations, e.g. by criminalising them

Sources:
IOM (2017): New Study Concludes Europe’s Mediterranean Border Remains 'World’s Deadliest' (EN)
Missing Migrants Project (2022): Missing Migrants Recorded in Mediterranean (EN)
borderline-europe - Menschenrechte ohne Grenzen e.V. (2021): RETTUNG UNERWÜNSCHT - Italiens Versuche, die Seenotrettung Geflüchteter zu kriminalisieren (DE)

Which actors are active in which region of the Mediterranean? Civil search and rescue organisations are mainly active in the central Mediterranean. In the western and eastern Mediterranean, state institutions are mainly responsible. However, there can often be no talk of rescue, because they are often not on the scene in case of acute danger. Instead, they focus on push-backs or are involved in alleged accidents (such as the sinking of a boat off the Greek coast in June 2023 with several hundred deaths - EN, see also Monitor - DE).

• In the western Mediterranean, the state-run "Sociedad de Salvamento y Seguridad Marítima" from Spain with the Spanish "Guardia Civil" is primarily responsible for search and sea rescue. Since 2019, they have been working together with the Moroccan coast guard, which means that there are more push-backs to Morocco or Algeria.
• In the eastern Mediterranean, units of the Greek and Turkish coast guards work together with Frontex. Due to the EU-Turkey agreement, the Turkish coast guard only carries out pull-backs. In the first five months of 2023, twice as many people were brought back to Turkey as arrived in Greece and Cyprus. One reason for this is that the Greek coast guard is increasingly carrying out push-backs instead of rescuing people. People who have already arrived on Greek islands are also picked up by representatives of the authorities or people wearing balaclavas and abandoned again in the Mediterranean.
• In the central Mediterranean, protection seekers are often intercepted by the so-called Libyan and Tunisian coast guards and brought back to Libya or Tunisia, where they are usually detained under intolerable conditions. The numerous human rights violations against protection seekers in Libya have been known for years. The EU's cooperation with Libya forces refugees to stay in a country where their human rights are obviously violated. Refugees in Libya and Refugees in Tunisia make these public and campaign against them, as the situation for refugees in Tunisia has also deteriorated enormously, especially in recent years. This also includes the fact that the Tunisian coast guard is increasingly involved in pull-backs, which is partly due to new agreements between the EU and Italy with Tunisia. In addition to the patrols of the Italian coast guard, which only rarely moves beyond national waters, it is mainly civilian search and rescue organisations, such as Sea-Watch, Mission-Lifeline, Sea-Eye, Proactiva Open Arms, Resqship, Salvamento Marítimo Humanitario, Doctors Without Borders or Emergency, that rescue people seeking protection in this area. In doing so, they have to contend with immense repression from EU states. They are accused of smuggling or human trafficking, among other things, which is why they are repeatedly held in ports. After rescuing refugees, they are often not allowed access to ports, so they have to stay on the ships for unbearably long days or are assigned to distant ports to keep the ships out of the search and rescue area as long as possible.

Sources:
Mediendienst Integration (2023): Europäische Asylpolitik und Grenzschutz. (DE)
Spiegel (2023): EU stellt Tunesien Hunderte Millionen Euro in Aussicht (DE)

You can find more information and current figures on the following pages:

• Sea-Watch (DE, EN, IT, FR)
• Watch The Med (EN)
• Alarmphone (EN, FR, AR, IT, ES, DE)
• Don't let them down! Human rights violations visualized in real time
• Missing Migrants - an IOM monitoring project (EN, FR, ES)
• Central Med Info by borderline-europe - information about the situation in Libya, shipwrecks and rescue operations in the central Mediterranean Sea (DE, EN)
• Sea - Eye (DE, EN, IT)

Concrete cases of criminalisation of sea rescue and supporters:

• The case of the Iuventa (DE, EN, IT)
• Free Humanitarians Campaign (EN)

Not only are search and rescue organizations being criminalized for bringing people to safety, but refugees themselves are also facing legal charges for allegedly steering a boat. In both cases, the common accusation is often "facilitation of illegal entry." However, refugees don't have the same extensive networks, knowledge of European languages and/or legal systems, or financial resources to draw attention to themselves and defend against these charges. Consequently, these cases are not as visible as those involving white persons from search and rescue organisations. Furthermore, it's important to emphasize that these refugees are often like any other refugees, who, for instance, happened to be sitting near the engine, were exempted from paying for steering the boat, or were coerced into steering. Therefore, referring to "facilitation of illegal entry" is not appropriate.

You can find more information, reports, and specific cases here:

• borderline-europe (2023): Criminalization of Migration and Solidarity (DE, EN)
• El Hiblu 3 Case (EN)
• From Sea to Prison. The Criminalization of Boat Drivers in Italy (EN, IT)

In 2015, the EU established so-called hotspots at the EU's southern external borders. The aim was to register all arriving asylum seekers at these hotspots. For this purpose, the national border authorities and employees of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) work together. Originally, the hotspots were intended as temporary emergency solutions, but as is so often the case, this crisis mode has been perpetuated and normalised.

Hotspots in Greece and Italy

Five hotspots have been established on the Greek islands (on Chios, Lesvos, Samos, Leros and Kos). Refugees who are registered in the hotspots have to stay on the islands for the time being. During this time, a decision is made whether they can be deported back to Turkey under the EU-Turkey agreement or apply for asylum in Greece. They often remain in the hotspots for the duration of their asylum procedure (and sometimes until deportation), which is why the hotspots are chronically overcrowded. In March 2020, the overcrowding of the hotspots reached a peak: although the hotspot centres were only designed for about 6,000 people, over 38,000 asylum-seeking people were living in the camps. Gradually, the hotspot centres are being converted or replaced into so-called "Closed Controlled Access Centres" (CCAC), which is fully funded by the EU. They already exist on Samos, Leros and Kos - and resemble high-security prisons. There is a lack of almost everything in terms of care, be it medical care, translators, psychologists, food, shade or benefit payments. Legal advice is almost non-existent. This is also due to the fact that many NGOs have left the islands due to state repression and Greece has simultaneously cut back on staff. Rejected asylum seekers and recognised refugees who are stuck on the islands no longer receive any benefits or food.

Why is the EU detaining people for no reason?
The detention centres are a consequence of the EU-Turkey agreement, as well as the fact that several EU member states refuse to receive refugees. They are not interested in human rights, which is also shown by the GEAS reform, which does not replace the camps but perpetuates them. Detained refugees, however, resist the conditions and show what the camps entail for them, like a group of women on Lesvos in the video "That's what we call a prison - "Kara Tepe" Migrant Camp, Lesvos (2022)".

For the latest figures of arrivals, see the UNHCR documents.
More information about the developments in Greece in the period February 2020 - June 2020 can be found in this brochure Stop War On Migrants (EN, GR)
More recent reports can be found at Deportation Monitoring Aegean (EN), e.g. The Dystopia in the form of a camp - The "Closed Controlled Access Centre of Samos" (2022).
Further recommended readings: “Der Moria Komplex - Verantwortungslosigkeit, Unzuständigkeit und Entrechtung fünf Jahre nach dem EU-Türkei-Abkommen und der Einführung des Hotspot-Systems” von Maximilian Pichl (DE)
Report by Refugee Support Aegean: “What is happening today in the refugee structures on the Aegean islands” on the situation on the Aegean Islands" (EN)

Four hotspots have been set up in Italy (Lampedusa, Pozzallo, Taranto and Trapani), which are also regularly overcrowded. After the registration, which usually takes only a few days, refugees theoretically proceed to the initial reception, where they can file their asylum application. However, if individuals come from a "safe third country," they are practically left on the streets with a notice to leave the country within 7 days. There are also detention centres (CPR) where people are placed in detention pending deportation. As the reception system was and is inadequate, extraordinary reception centres (CAS) were introduced in 2015, which were intended as an emergency solution for initial reception and have been perpetuated until today. These can be run by private (partly profit-oriented) operators and therefore vary greatly. The somewhat better second reception centres (SAI) are only partially accessible to people with a positive asylum decision and unaccompanied minors.

2-weekly short info "Scirocco" on Italy (DE, EN)

Sources:
Mediendienst Integration (2020): Europäische Asylpolitik und Grenzschutz.
UNHCR (2021): Aegean Islands Weekly Snapshot 19.-25. July 2021.
Colombo, Fabio (2022): Il sistema di accoglienza dei migranti in Italia, spiegato per bene (IT)
Sachverständigenrat für Integration und Migration (2021): Die Hotspots auf den griechischen Inseln: Was die EU aus ihren strukturellen Problemen für die gemeinsame Asylpolitik lernen sollte (DE)
Pro Asyl (2023): Griechische Verhältnisse – bald überall in Europa? (DE)

• Every year, tens of thousands of people on the move try to reach Western Europe via one of the Balkan national borders in search of protection. Even after the increasing closure of Europe's external borders, in particular the official closure of the so-called Balkan route in March 2016, the countries of the Balkan region are still transit countries (i.e. countries of passage) for many people on the move.
• In June 2023, almost 18,000 people seeking protection were registered by UNHCR in the Balkan region, 92% of them in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
• In addition to these main transit countries, Croatia, Montenegro, Northern Macedonia, Kosovo, Albania and Romania are also transit countries in the Balkan region. The living conditions for people seeking protection vary depending on the country and camp. Moreover, some of the people on the move in the region do not live in official camps or shelters.
• Since the border closures, border crossings in the Balkan region have become increasingly dangerous. There are increasing reports of violent and illegal push-backs (i.e. people are sent back near the border or from the interior of the country without being able to apply for asylum), mistreatment and racist attacks in the region.
• Human rights organisations such as Pro Asyl have long criticised the Croatian border police, for example, for systematically preventing people on the move from fleeing to the EU, denying them the right to asylum and forcibly pushing them back to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many people on the move risk their lives on these dangerous routes because of the lack of alternatives.

Serbia

• According to UNHCR, there were 5.247 refugees and asylum seekers in Serbia in June 2023.
• An estimated 400-500 refugees are staying in northern Serbia outside official shelters (as of July 2020) In reality, this number is likely to be much higher, as many refugees stay outside the camps near the borders, especially during the summer months. These numbers are lower than in many other countries, which does not mean that there are few people there, but indicates low media coverage and awareness.
• According to official figures, 20 people have died inside Serbia in 2019 while trying to cross the border. However, experts estimate that the number of unreported cases is much higher. This is due to the fact that survivors of failed attempts to cross one of the borders usually do not go to the police.
• According to the Hungarian Police, on average about 350 people were prevented from entering Hungary every day in 2022. The push-backs are often associated with violence and theft.

Here you can get more information:

• Latest figures from UNHCR (EN)
• Border Violence (Overview of the development of the so-called Balkan Route from 2015 until today) (EN)
• Balkan Region Reports - Border Violence Monitoring (EN)
• Mitrovic et al. (2020): The dark side of Europeanisation (EN)
• Information on International Protection in Serbia (EN)
• Balkan Insight (EN)
• ProAsyl about the so called Balkan route (DE)
• Balkanbrücke (EN, DE)
• Klikaktiv: Report April - June 2023 (EN)

Sources:
Stojić Mitrović, M.; Ahmetašević, N.; Beznec, B. und Kurnik, A. (2020): The Dark Sides of Europeanisation. Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Border Regime (EN)
ProAsyl (2020): Türsteher Kroatien: Brutale Menschenrechtsverletzungen im Namen Europas (DE)
MVI, Collective Aid und Construct Solidarity: Bericht Nordserbien Dezember 2022/Januar 2023 (EN)
UNHCR: South Eastern Europe. Operational Portal. Refugee Situations.
UNHCR: Serbia Update May-June 2023